Post by Mech on Mar 4, 2004 14:44:54 GMT -5
John Kerry is for GUN CONTROL
Gun Votes Now Part of Political Agenda
Thu Mar 4, 7:02 AM ET
By Joanne Kenen
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Senate's repudiation of a gun industry legal protection bill this week gave the National Rifle Association an unexpected blow and injected gun policy into this year's elections.
Lawmakers, lobbyists and experts on gun politics said the odd spectacle of pro-gun senators stampeding to kill their own legislation will have repercussions at the ballot box.
Both Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, the presumptive 2004 Democratic presidential of North Carolina, then still in the White House race, interrupted their campaigns to cast gun control votes on Tuesday.
Kerry gave a blistering speech accusing President Bush of "walking away" from his commitment to extend the 1994 assault weapons ban, which expires next September.
"What we have now is a benchmark for the presidential race and the Senate races," said NRA spokesman Andrew Arulanandam. "We got senators on the record on issues that are important to our members. We got Bush and Kerry on the record."
Many lawmakers would just as soon steer clear of gun politics in an election year, worried by the NRA's ability to mobilize voters who care intensely about their weapons.
The well-financed NRA is one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington. Its strength lies both in its effective Washington operation and an energetic single-issue grass roots organization of roughly 4 million gun owners.
Opinion polls have shown for years that much of the public supports more stringent gun control. But NRA supporters, while a minority, hold powerful sway over the political process.
Because of that clout, some Republicans are perfectly happy to see Democrats casting gun control votes. "Bring'em on," one Republican Senate aide said gleefully.
The NRA, which considers Bush a close ally, had pushed hard for the legislation that would have shielded the industry from lawsuits attempting to hold manufacturers, dealers or distributors responsible for gun violence. Pending cases that could have been affected include those filed by policemen shot on the job and relatives of the Washington snipers' victims.
That bill passed by a two-to-one margin in the House last year, and the NRA had lined up a bipartisan coalition in the Senate. But the NRA was unable to defeat two crucial Senate amendments, one extending the assault weapons ban and one requiring background checks on buyers at gun shows.
NRA TRIED TO SET THE AGENDA
Once those passed -- and they passed by a bigger bipartisan margin in the Republican-controlled Senate than gun measures did after the Columbine school killings in 1999 when Democrats were in power -- the NRA decided it would rather kill the lawsuit bill than risk having these measures enacted into law.
The drama played out differently than other major gun votes in the last decade. In the early 1990s, the gun lobby lost two huge battles, resulting in the passage of the Brady gun control laws and the assault weapons ban.
Columbine fueled the gun control debate after two teens armed with bombs, shotguns and semi-automatic weapons killed a teacher, 12 other students and themselves at the Colorado school -- the worst school shooting in U.S. history.
After Columbine, gun control groups got several more tough measures through the Senate. NRA allies had to stall and fight to ultimately kill them in the House.
In both those cases, however, the NRA was on the defensive, fighting an agenda shaped by gun-control groups. This time, with Republicans in control of the White House and both houses of Congress, the NRA tried to set the agenda and pass its lawsuit immunity bill.
"They overreached," said Illinois Democrat Sen. Dick Durbin. "They thought they owned the world, that nothing could stop them. But they lost."
"The NRA does best when it's operating behind the scenes, below the radar screen," said Robert Spitzer, an expert on gun politics at the State University of New York at Cortland.
"Dwelling on these issues doesn't help the president," Spitzer said. "And Kerry leveled some fire against Bush using this issue as a launching pad. He can say that Bush is in the hip pocket of the special interests and the far right."
Both sides expect more Senate skirmishes, with backers of the assault weapons ban likely to bring it up again.
Getting it through the House is harder, acknowledged New York Democrat Rep. Carolyn McCarthy. She is hoping that police, health groups and a reprise of the Million Mom March(Anti freedom march) this Mother's Day may give the weapons ban momentum.
Ban sponsor Sen. Dianne Feinstein, a California Democrat, predicted the Senate would return to the issue "when the black and blue marks subside."
The Senate voted 90-8 to defeat the amended bill after voting 52-47 to add assault weapons ban and 53-46 to add the gun show measure.
Gun Votes Now Part of Political Agenda
Thu Mar 4, 7:02 AM ET
By Joanne Kenen
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Senate's repudiation of a gun industry legal protection bill this week gave the National Rifle Association an unexpected blow and injected gun policy into this year's elections.
Lawmakers, lobbyists and experts on gun politics said the odd spectacle of pro-gun senators stampeding to kill their own legislation will have repercussions at the ballot box.
Both Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, the presumptive 2004 Democratic presidential of North Carolina, then still in the White House race, interrupted their campaigns to cast gun control votes on Tuesday.
Kerry gave a blistering speech accusing President Bush of "walking away" from his commitment to extend the 1994 assault weapons ban, which expires next September.
"What we have now is a benchmark for the presidential race and the Senate races," said NRA spokesman Andrew Arulanandam. "We got senators on the record on issues that are important to our members. We got Bush and Kerry on the record."
Many lawmakers would just as soon steer clear of gun politics in an election year, worried by the NRA's ability to mobilize voters who care intensely about their weapons.
The well-financed NRA is one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington. Its strength lies both in its effective Washington operation and an energetic single-issue grass roots organization of roughly 4 million gun owners.
Opinion polls have shown for years that much of the public supports more stringent gun control. But NRA supporters, while a minority, hold powerful sway over the political process.
Because of that clout, some Republicans are perfectly happy to see Democrats casting gun control votes. "Bring'em on," one Republican Senate aide said gleefully.
The NRA, which considers Bush a close ally, had pushed hard for the legislation that would have shielded the industry from lawsuits attempting to hold manufacturers, dealers or distributors responsible for gun violence. Pending cases that could have been affected include those filed by policemen shot on the job and relatives of the Washington snipers' victims.
That bill passed by a two-to-one margin in the House last year, and the NRA had lined up a bipartisan coalition in the Senate. But the NRA was unable to defeat two crucial Senate amendments, one extending the assault weapons ban and one requiring background checks on buyers at gun shows.
NRA TRIED TO SET THE AGENDA
Once those passed -- and they passed by a bigger bipartisan margin in the Republican-controlled Senate than gun measures did after the Columbine school killings in 1999 when Democrats were in power -- the NRA decided it would rather kill the lawsuit bill than risk having these measures enacted into law.
The drama played out differently than other major gun votes in the last decade. In the early 1990s, the gun lobby lost two huge battles, resulting in the passage of the Brady gun control laws and the assault weapons ban.
Columbine fueled the gun control debate after two teens armed with bombs, shotguns and semi-automatic weapons killed a teacher, 12 other students and themselves at the Colorado school -- the worst school shooting in U.S. history.
After Columbine, gun control groups got several more tough measures through the Senate. NRA allies had to stall and fight to ultimately kill them in the House.
In both those cases, however, the NRA was on the defensive, fighting an agenda shaped by gun-control groups. This time, with Republicans in control of the White House and both houses of Congress, the NRA tried to set the agenda and pass its lawsuit immunity bill.
"They overreached," said Illinois Democrat Sen. Dick Durbin. "They thought they owned the world, that nothing could stop them. But they lost."
"The NRA does best when it's operating behind the scenes, below the radar screen," said Robert Spitzer, an expert on gun politics at the State University of New York at Cortland.
"Dwelling on these issues doesn't help the president," Spitzer said. "And Kerry leveled some fire against Bush using this issue as a launching pad. He can say that Bush is in the hip pocket of the special interests and the far right."
Both sides expect more Senate skirmishes, with backers of the assault weapons ban likely to bring it up again.
Getting it through the House is harder, acknowledged New York Democrat Rep. Carolyn McCarthy. She is hoping that police, health groups and a reprise of the Million Mom March(Anti freedom march) this Mother's Day may give the weapons ban momentum.
Ban sponsor Sen. Dianne Feinstein, a California Democrat, predicted the Senate would return to the issue "when the black and blue marks subside."
The Senate voted 90-8 to defeat the amended bill after voting 52-47 to add assault weapons ban and 53-46 to add the gun show measure.
